Chapter Eleven: Bill Clinton and the Republican Temple of Doom

William Jefferson Clinton was sworn in as president at noon, January 20, 1993. He had won the 1992 presidential election with 42 percent of the popular vote. Ross Perot got 18 percent, and George Bush got 40 percent. Congressional districts had been reapportioned to reflect the Census of 1990.

The Constitution requires a decennial census, primarily to establish a basis for apportionment of the House of Representatives among the states.Since 1960, the total membership of the House has been 435. Without the addition of any new state, this is the number that will be apportioned by the Census of the year 2000. The Senate has two members from each of the fifty states. The population of the United States in 1992 was about 255,407,000 people on that date according to the Statistical Abstract of the United States: 1995. Of this total, 48.8 percent were men, and 51.2 percent were women. The population by race in 1992 was 83.5 percent white, 12.4 percent black, and Other was 4.1 percent. The total population included about 24 million people of Hispanic origin.

The Bureau of the Census divides the nation into geographical regions, of which the sixteen states of the South is one region. It had a population of 88,153,000 people, the largest total -- about 34 percent of the total -- of all four regions. The other three were the Northeast, the Midwest, and the West. The sixteen states of the South were Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, West Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia, Florida, Kentucky, Tennessee, Alabama, Mississippi, Arkansas, Louisiana, Oklahoma, and Texas. The Immigration and Naturalization Service (INS) estimated that there were 3,379,000 undocumented aliens in the United States as of October, 1992. About a third of them came from Mexico and arrived first in California.

In current dollars, the Gross Domestic Product (GDP) for 1992 was about $6.02 trillion. However, in early 1996, the Department of Commerce introduced a revised method of calculating GDP, or rather its annual growth announced quarterly and annualized. As a result, the new method of calculating the GDP (a chain-weighted calculation instead of a fixed-weight) allows Commerce to account for price changes continuously instead of at five-year intervals.

Accordingly, in 1992, the GDP grew 2.7 percent, not the 2.2 percent used by Commerce. In 1991, the GDP declined by 1 percent, and the country was in the depths of a recession while George Bush was president. In 1992 the economy was actually growing, but he deferred acknowledging this recession in 1991. Bush finally requested action in 1992,eg., lowering interest rates, several months before the election. This belated acknowledgment of a recession was just one reason for his defeat.

Economists, at least all those who find the new method acceptable, have had to reexamine their figures on productivity -- output per worker per hour -- running at 2.2 percent a year in the 1980s. The actual growth of productivity under the new method was an anemic 1.2 percent for the 1990s, hardly better than the 1980s when rapid economic expansion was driven by rapid increases in employment. Manufacturing productivity for the 1979-90 period was only 2.6 percent. President Clinton addressed this problem in his State of the Union address to Congress on January 23, 1996. Amongst other things, he asked for interest rate adjustments to stimulate a weaker than expected economy. Over a month after Clinton's State of the Union speech, the Department of Labor announced that Americans' productivity rose 1.1 percent in 1995, the best showing since 1992. Productivity measures output per hours worked. A hypothetical example illustrates the importance of productivity. If it took 10 workers to produce one automobile in 15 hours in 1994, slightly less than 10 workers -- about 9.9 workers -- could still produce one auto in 15 hours, a slight improvement. Higher productivity means that employers can pay workers more because they are more efficient. But if productivity is stagnant, then wages and standards of living are stagnant as well. Employers are reluctant to increase wages, unless productivity increases.

In 1992, the Treasury from all sources had $1.090 trillion in receipts to finance operations of the federal government. Congress authorized expenditures for fiscal year 1992 of $1.380 trillion, producing a deficit of $290.403 billion, or 23.3 percent of the nation's GDP. By January, 1993, the gross federal debt was about $4.002 trillion. Deficits for each of the three following years -- 1993, 1994, and 1995 -- declined by significant amounts; they were $255 billion, $203 billion, and $192 billion respectively, while the gross federal debt reached $4.9 trillion by the end of fiscal year 1995. The figures or revenue from taxes from all sources are complete through 1993. For 1992 and 1993, Table 532 shows that from all sources, the Internal Revenue Service received $1.121 trillion and $1.177 trillion respectively for these years. These sources were principally individual and corporate income taxes employment taxes, excise, and estate taxes.

During the Great Depression of the 1930s, President Franklin D. Roosevelt and Congress made a commitment to the poor in passing the law requiring cash benefits to those families having funds insufficient to buy the basic necessities of life. This program is now known as Aid to Families with Dependent Children. Over the years, Congress added benefits and increased the monthly payments to those on this welfare. By 1993, Congress approved payments to 14,257,000 recipients at a cost to taxpayers of $22.106 billion in that year. Approximately, 9 million of the recipients were children. By 1993, some 26.9 million people were beneficiaries of the Food Stamp Program which had a cost to taxpayers of about $22 billion. The National School Lunch Program covered 25.4 million in 1993 and cost $3.9 billion. Since July of 1966, the federal Medicare program has provided medical care to all those over 65 years of age. Under Medicaid, all states offer basic health services to certain very poor people. Medicaid eligibility is automatic for almost all cash welfare beneficiaries. Social Security, also initiated by President Roosevelt in 1935, is another entitlement program; if a citizen meets all the statutory criteria, he or she is entitled to the benefits of social security at a certain age.

When Social Security and Medicare were first established as entitlements, the actuaries made a major mistake. Demography is the villain. The Baby Boomers will reach 65 by the year 2010, and the Social Security Fund will begin its slow slide into insolvency. And all citizens are living longer because most of them are getting better medical care. So the Medicare Fund will begin running out of money by the year 2013, or sooner. Hardly anyone likes struggling with statistics in the text, but for reasons that should be obvious, the statistics really needed by all citizens often appear only occasionally in the print media and hardly ever in the mass media. Politicians discuss the subject in terms so elliptical that critics don't get it.

With the end of the Cold War in 1989, the Bush Administration struggled unsuccessfully to convert America's Cold War economy to peacetime production. The so-called peace dividend never materialized. The Pentagon continued its wasteful ways. In current dollars, the Defense Department outlays for FY1990, 1991 and 1992 were $299.3 billion, $273.3 billion, and $298.4 billion respectively. In 1992, the Environmental Protection Agency had about 1,200 hazardous waste sites on its National Priority List. New Jersey led the list, closely followed by New York, California, and Florida. This listing is authorized for the Superfund -- cleanup -- program by the Comprehensive Environmental Response, Compensation, and Liability Act (CERCLA) of 1980.

While the spotted owl started its journey through the courts in 1987, it was not until 1991 that this much maligned owl got the protection Congress designed for it. Seattle Audubon Society v. Evans, 771 F.Supp. 1081 (W.D.Wash), affirmed 932 F.2nd 297 (9th Cir. 1991). It was in this case that one federal judge described the proceedings as "a remarkable series of violations of the environmental laws" by the federal agencies entrusted with administering our public forests and protecting species from extinction. Between 1988 and 1992, the Ninth Circuit Court considered two court-stripping measures embodied in annual appropriations bills in six published opinions, and even the Supreme Court stepped in to resolve one case.

The spotted owl was the symbol of protection of species. However, soil erosion as a result of poor forest management practices played a major role in the drama of saving the ancient old-growth trees of Washington, Oregon, and California. Soil erosion from clear cutting these trees was a major environmental threat to the sustainability and productive capacity of agriculture. During the last forty years, nearly one-third of the world's arable land has been lost by erosion and continues to be lost at a rate of more than 10 million hectares per year. One hectare is equal to 2.471 acres. With the addition of a quarter of a million people each day, the world population's food demand is increasing at a time when per capita food productivity is beginning to decline. Croplands in the United States lose soil at an average rate of 17 tons per hectare per year. About 90 percent of American crop land is losing soil above the sustainable rate. In 1798, Malthus, a clergyman and demographer, believed that population would increase geometrically while the means of subsistence -- food -- would increase at an arithmetical rate and that this would result in an inadequate supply of the goods supporting life unless war, famine, or disease reduced the population.

In his book, The Ends of the Earth: A Journey at the Dawn of the 20th Century Robert D. Kaplan writes of one small project to restore the land to its natural, undegraded state. Rishi Valley, in India, is a few hours south of Hyderabab. Rishi Valley is the hub for a system of satellite schools for children. Each year, the children plant twenty thousand custard apple trees. This variety has a strong root system and keeps the soil from eroding. On each site, check dams are built to slow or stop the flow of rivulets after a rain. The soil from these rivulets form deposits of nutrient-rich silt which is very fertile. The rich silt is transported to dry areas that need regeneration. The students even produce their own organic compost by collecting all the school's garbage in cement-lined pits, where it is consumed by earth worms. Sloping stone walls channel the flood water to percolation tanks where it replenishes the aquifer water level. The people at Rishi Valley do not use either irrigation or artificial fertilizers. The area, with its satellite schools, is a huge organic farm that raises money by selling its own produce and reinvesting the proceeds. The schools are really extensions of the home, and the literacy rate of villagers has reached 86 percent. As a result, they have a birth rate of less than 2 percent; they understand family planning. Bougainvillea and hibiscus are planted around the schools to beautify the site. A teacher observed that people who appreciate beauty are less likely to be violent. Each satellite school has a flower, fruit, and vegetable nursery, which the students and their parents are responsible for. The nurseries generate income sufficient to make each school almost self-sustaining. India's Green Revolution had dangerously depleted the nation's environmental base through overuse of irrigation and chemical fertilizers. Rishi Valley was a successful reversal of this process, an act of regeneration. America might consider learning how Rishi Valley works and apply the knowledge to regenerate depleted areas where clear cutting of trees led to soil erosion and loss of arable land. The United States also has other problems.

There were approximately 1.225 million births to unmarried women in 1992, about 31 percent of all live births without regard to economic status, i.e., on or off welfare. Nationally, 6.8 percent of the workforce was unemployed in 1993, but higher in industrial and defense-related states like California, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Texas, and New York. Although the United States was emerging from a recession in 1992 and had not yet adjusted to peacetime production, it was certainly the richest and most powerful nation in the world, a superpower.

Against this backdrop of laws and Congressionally-approved programs that Bill Clinton inherited on January 20, 1993 the president saw a comparatively healthy economy with the market recovering nicely from its recession low. The Dow Jones industrial average for sixty-five corporations closed on January 20, 1993 at 3241; almost exactly three years later the Dow Jones closed at 5216, a record high. This new high didn't help the roughly 75 percent of the adult population living without owning any stock at all. The Federal Reserve Board reported in 1992 that American households own about 25 percent of all corporate equities including mutual funds. In the twelve years from 1980 to 1992, the United States has seen the greatest redistribution of wealth in its history. In New York City, for example, the median income for the richest fifth of its population was 21.04 times the median income for the poorest fifth in 1990. In Los Angeles, the ratio was 18.05; in Chicago, it was 18.27; in Houston, it was 17.44; in Philadelphia, it was 15.74; in San Diego, it was 12.07; in Detroit, it was 20.47; in Dallas, it was 16.59; in Phoenix, it was 11.86; and in San Antonio, it was 14.63. At least in urban America, the middle class underwent a process of erosion by a significant amount in the twelve-year period in which Reagan and Bush occupied the White House. In fact, the middle class was far more concerned with job security than foreign policy during the 1992 presidential campaign. The middle class saw President Bush spending their tax dollars to subdue a remote Iraqi dictator in 1990 and 1991. Those earning $35,000 to $65,000 a year were too busy trying to keep their own heads above the water. Bush even forgave $7 billion in debt owed by Egypt and paid by American taxpayers, the price paid to make Egypt a participant in the American-led coalition.

The Persian Gulf War was over by March of 1991 -- withdrawal of American troops began then -- but Saddam Hussein was still very much in power. The ethnic cleansing in the former Yugoslavia continued, and only Haiti was a cloud on the horizon. President Bush sent American troops to Somalia for the humanitarian purpose of forcing local thugs to share relief supplies sent to relieve those dying of starvation. Food and medicine were shipped to Somalia by generous governments to relieve starvation and disease in Somalia. However, these humanitarian supplies were appropriated by local thugs as they were unloaded at the water front and sold on the black market.

In late 1991, President Bush once again exploited his Southern strategy by nominating Clarence Thomas to the Supreme Court. Named chairman of the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission by Reagan and a federal judge -- District of Columbia Court of Appeals -- by Bush, Thomas was a product of affirmative action, a policy he rejected for others. Lewis Lapham of Harper's Magazine called the nomination "puppet theater" with Thomas "dancing in the strings once occupied by Willie Horton....the President apparently thinks he can play at racial politics as if it were a game of horseshoes." Despite credible evidence from Anita Hill, an Oklahoma law professor, that she had been sexually harrassed by Thomas, the Senate confirmed his nomination. See Strange Justice: The Selling of Clarence Thomas by Jane Mayer and Jill Abramson. Its authors believed Anita Hill and made a sound case for rejecting Thomas.

At home, however, Clinton inherited other, less visible problems. In 1992, there were 38.014 million people living below the poverty level. Some 14 million of these were children. The National Center for Children in Poverty publishes statistics and commentary. Its Child Poverty News & Issues: Winter 1995, Vol. 5, No.1 states that "....once again the harsh reality that propels the Center's work -- the continued growth in the number of U.S. children under six living in poverty -- between 1987 and 1992, the number of poor children under six grew from 5 to 6 million, and the poverty rate for children under six reached 26 percent." In 1996 the number of poor children under six was about 8 million.

In 1992, the poverty line was $9,137 for a family of two, $11,186 for a family of three, and $14,335 for a family of four." Dr. J. Lawrence Aber, the Center's new director, cautioned that the increasing number of poor young children reflects a 20-year trend that is having devastating consequences. "The significance of these figures for our society," he said, "cannot be overstated because we will pay the costs for the next several decades. Poverty gives rise to many types of deprivation, and many of our youngest, poorest children will suffer severe consequences in terms of their physical health and psychological development."

Demographic patterns that are not consistent with public myths about poor children and their families exist everywhere. In 1992, for example, as many as 38 percent of poor children under six lived in families supported by earnings only -- and no cash public assistance -- and less than one-third of poor children under six lived in families that relied exclusively on cash public assistance for their incomes.

Those in either category are the victims of stereotyping by politicians who want to end "welfare dependency." Herbert J. Gans notes this labeling in his book, The War Against the Poor, published in 1995 by an imprint of HarperCollins. Gans is the Robert S. Lynd Professor of Sociology at Columbia University. He dedicated an entire chapter to the origin and use of the "underclass" label.

In 1963, for example, Gunnar Myrdal used the word as an economic term to describe the victims of deindustrialization. "They are," he said, "an unpriviliged class of unemployed, unemployable, and underemployed who are more and more hopelessly set apart from the nation at large and do not share in its life, its ambitions, and its achievements." After its use by Mrydal in 1963, the word "underclass" was used in a conservative magazine The Public Interest, in 1973, in Time in 1977, and in the New Yorker in 1981, each such use expanding its meaning. Time, for example, did a cover story entitled, "The American Underclass: Destitute and Desperate in the Land of Plenty."

In this 1977 cover story, its writers defined the label as a "large group of people who are more intractable, more socially alien and more hostile than almost anyone had imagined....Time indicated that this underclass is 'made up mostly of impoverished urban blacks who still suffer from the heritage of slavery." Thus, when Ken Auletta wrote a serious book entitled The Underclass, the meaning had a pejorative as well as a behavioural component. By 1982, the word had become useful in describing the culture of black poverty, and the labeling process was complete.

Professor Gans described the process of value reinforcement and its role in isolating the undeserving poor from all the rest by behavioural norms.

"When the undeserving poor violate, or are imagined to be violating, mainstream behavioral patterns and values," he wrote, "they help to reinforce and reaffirm the desirability of these patterns and values....a variety of norms, including those sometimes dismissed as 'motherhood' values, gain new prestige when they are violated and their violators stigmatized or punished...If the undeserving poor can be imagined to be lazy, they help to reaffirm the 'Protestant work ethic.; if poor single-families are officially condemned, the two-parent family is once more legitimated as ideal...Before the undeserving poor can obtain financial help, one of the conventional prerequisites is visible indication of their readiness to practice mainstream values. For example, welfare recipients and the jobless must behave deferentially in government agencies even though public officials can insult them freely."

The phrase "welfare dependent" became a code word for welfare reform during the 1992 presidential campaign. Clinton, for example, promised such reform, and Bush echoed the same theme. Polls taken by both candidates showed almost 70 percent approval to ending welfare entirely. But when the Republicans moved into their post-1994 election majority in Congress and introduced legislation to actually end welfare, the story was quite different. Polls showed support dropping, if ending welfare worked a hardship on children. Welfare reform was not the only issue in which factual knowledge played a role.

Consider, for example, Proposition 187 submitted to the voters of California in 1994. If approved by more than 50 percent of the voters, the language of Proposition 187 would be incorporated into the California Constitution. The stated purpose of Proposition 187 was to "provide for cooperation between [the]agencies of state and local government with the federal government, and to establish a system of required notification by and between such agencies to prevent illegal aliens in the United States from receiving benefits or public services in the State of California." Public schools and health care were effectively denied by Proposition 187. In the same year, Governor Pete Wilson sought reelection in California. His surveys showed him that Proposition 187 would pass by a healthy margin-it did-so he decided to come out strongly for its approval by California's voters. Wilson made anti-immigration a center piece of his campaign and won re-election as governor with 20 percent of the black vote -- twice the historic level of black support for Republican candidates. Despite the uniform and vehement opposition of black leaders to 187, California blacks split on the measure, 47 percent in favor and 53 percent against. Peter Skerry, a fellow at the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars in Washington, D.C. wrote an article for the New Republic's issue of January 20, 1995. It was entitled "The Black Alienation." For part of his article, Skerry turned to sociologist William Wilson.

Though Wilson's findings are complex, he, like other researchers looking at local labor markets, concludes that inner-city black men are losing out in the competition with immigrants. But labor market competition doesn't tell the whole story. There are plenty of other arenas in which disadvantaged black Americans might compete with immigrants. Politics, for example, springs to mind. Certainly in Los Angeles, the competition between blacks and Latinos for public recognition and visibility is intense...More concretely, recent redistrictings have revealed struggles for dominance between the two groups...Again, in Los Angeles the classic case is Martin Luther King, Jr. Hospital in Watts, built in response to the 1965 riots and now dominated by Latino immigrants.

Skerry's analysis posits tension between Latino and black America voters in Los Angeles, and it showed up in the vote on Proposition 187. However, in the immediate aftermath of passage of Proposition 187, several actions challenging its constitutionality were brought in state and federal courts. Latinos were widely represented in the plaintiff class, and United States District Court Judge Marianna Pfaelzer granted a motion for summary judgment in favor of plaintiffs. It effectively prevented enforcement of Proposition 187 by any state agency. League of United Latin American Citizens, et al v. Pete Wilson, et al, 1995 U.S. Lexis District 17720 (C.D. Ca. 1995). A preliminary injunction enjoining enforcement was left intact pending further order of the court. Essentially, the district court held that the subject matter of Proposition 187 was unconstitutional as being preempted by the federal government's exclusive constitutional authority over the regulation of immigration. Not only that, but any reasonably knowledgeable lawyer could have told voters that Proposition 187 could be held violative of the Constitution's Equal Protection Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment. Plyler v. Doe, 457 U.S. 202 (1982). In this case, Texas tried to do essentially what California voters were being asked to approve. The Supreme Court told Texas legislators they had acted in a manner violating the Constitution. However, for reasons all too familiar to civil rights activists, voters didn't listen; they simply wanted to punish immigrants, legal or otherwise.

In 1992, the Immigration and Naturalization (INS) reports that about 1.278 million immigrants arrived in the United States. Some 810,000 individuals entered under the standard immigration categories which were revised by the Immigration Act of 1990. In addition, 163,000 individuals were legalized by amnesty or otherwise, under the Immigration and Control Act of 1986. Some 306,000 were estimated by the INS as having entered the United States illegally.

It is well understood that immigration fuels population growth, but it is not widely understood that this growth does not count children born to immigrants in the United States. The children of immigrants born in the United States have been omitted from the count made by the Bureau of the Census since 1970. They are all citizens of this country no matter how their parents arrived here. Furthermore, the Census stopped asking about country of birth of parents in the 1980 census. Only California collects such data. In 1993, for example, foreign-born mothers gave birth to 261,670 of California's 584,480 babies. This data ignores nationality of the father, so it includes a child whose mother was an immigrant and whose father is native born, but omits children whose father was an immigrant and whose mother was native born. By extrapolation, about 766,000 babies born in the United States during 1993 alone would be the children of foreign-born mothers.This may be high for various reasons, but it is only an estimate of one year's increase in population. This reference to the Census numbers only reinforces the fact that America is a nation of immigrants and has been since the very beginning.

The arrival in America of new immigrants and their assimilation has been a process that began at least four hundred and fifty years ago. The children of these new arrivals and their children ad infinitum may have prompted John Quincy Adams writing in 1819: "German immigrants must look forward to their posterity, rather than backward to their ancestors." In 1845, Ralph Waldo Emerson wrote in his diary that "in this continent -- asylum of all nations, the energy of Irish, Germans, Swedes, Poles & Cossacks, & all the European tribes -- of the Africans, & of the Polynesians, will construct a new race, a new religion, a new state, a new literature, which will be as vigorous as the new Europe which came out of the smelting pot of the Dark Ages, or that which earlier emerged from the Pelagasic & Etruscan barbarism."

The rights and wrongs of immigration have prompted litigation on a very large scale. As of January 25, 1996 the Supreme Court of the United States has issued rulings in some dozen cases between 1991 and 1996. They were found by a search of the Internet using "immigration" as the key word. Perhaps the best known of these cases is McNary v. Haitian Refugee Center, 498 U.S. 479 (1993).

In this case, President Bush issued Executive Order No. 12807 (1992) directing the Coast Guard to intercept vessels illegally transporting passengers from Haiti to the United States and returning them to Haiti without first determining whether these passengers might qualify as refugees entitled to asylum in the United States. The question presented was whether such forced repatriation violated Section 243 (h)(1) of the Immigration and Nationality Act of 1952. Section 243 read: "The Attorney General shall not deport or return any alien....to a country if the Attorney General determines that such alien's life or freedom would be threatened in such country on account of race, religion, nationality, membership in a particular social group, or political opinion." It was undisputed that the political coup in 1991 had triggered a continuing widely publicized reign of terror in Haiti, and that over 1,500 Haitians had been killed or subjected to violence and destruction of their property because of their political beliefs. Notwithstanding these undisputed facts, a majority of the court held that this law and Article 33.1 of the United Nations Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees had no extraterritorial effect, ie., on the high seas. Accordingly, the Coast Guard was allowed to continue returning Haitian refugees to a country where they would face political persecution or worse. Justice Blackmun dissented. His opinion suggests the majority was relying on empty statutory formalisms to justify returning Haitian refugees to Haiti. The last paragraph of Justice Blackmun's opinion reads:

The refugees attempting to escape from Haiti do not claim a right of admission to this country. They do not even argue that the Government has no right to intercept their boats. They demand only that the United States, land of refugees and guardian of freedom, cease forcibly driving them back to detention, abuse, and death. That is a modest plea, vindicated by the Treaty and the statute. We should not close our ears to it. I dissent.

Had Bush been embarrassed by quite a few Haitian refugees landing in Florida just before the 1992 presidential election, he might have lost votes in that state. After this opinion, President Clinton, with some help from former President Carter, sent American troops to Haiti to stabilize the situation. Continuing violence made it impossible for the freely-elected President Aristide to be restored to office and to hold free elections. The approximately 37,000 Haitian refugees held by the United States at the Guantanamo Naval Base and elsewhere all returned to Haiti. All of this occurred in less than six months. After the election and Clinton's triumphant trip to Washington for his inauguration, the last person to leave Little Rock, Arkansas reminded his colleagues of a fact he didn't want forgotten. "It's the Economy, Stupid." The conventional wisdom assumes erroneously that the arrival of immigrants always leads to the loss of jobs. Immigrants will take jobs no one else wants.

Quite a few people began thinking a look at the economy would be useful. One of them was Jeffrey Madrick, an Emmy Award-winning economics reporter for NBC from 1985 to 1993. In 1995, Random House published his book, The End of Affluence. Beginning in 1973, says Madrick, the American economy, though it continued to grow, grew far more slowly than it had on average since the Civil War ending in 1870. On page 5 of his book, Madrick has this to say.

Between 1870 and 1973, and despite the many ups and downs in good and bad years, the U.S. economy grew at an average rate of 3.4 percent a year, excluding the effect of inflation -- he used Gross Domestic Product to show growth. But between 1973 and 1993 (the last year year for which we have complete data) the average rate of growth flattened to 2.3 percent a year after inflation, even though the workforce was expanding rapidly....the cyclical ups and downs of the economy are smoothed into straight lines....[and] the gap between the norm and the actual performance of the economy since 1973 widens.

In the twenty years since 1973, the loss of income and production as measured by GDP had widened to $12 trillion by 1993. Had GDP grown at 3.4 percent a year -- its growth in 1995 was an anemic 2.1 percent -- tax revenues would have been roughly $2.4 trillion greater over twenty years than they actually were assuming a stable tax rate. Had the government retained all this income, the national debt of $4 trillion could have been cut in half. However, according to Madrick, productivity did not propel the economy of the United States. In the immediate post-World War II period, the rate of productivity growth rose to 2.7 percent a year. In 1973, the average annual productivity growth fell to 0.9 percent a year, and this decline over the years to 1995, produced stagnating incomes for the middle class and the working poor. In 1973, this country had its first oil shock, but it was followed by another in 1981. The price of crude oil peaked at $36 per barrel, while it declined to about half of this price by 1989. It declined partly because America saw the decreased availability of oil as an incentive to develop more fuel efficiency. The Big Three automakers in Detroit dragged their heels while imports from Japan and Europe began capturing market share from Detroit. The Big Three were used to and comfortable with mass production. Labor was reluctant to accept lower wages, because it did not see the shortage of energy as anything to worry about in the long term. So when demand for labor picked up sharply, labor was not long in bargaining for higher wages after 1981, At this point, however, Reagan introduced a note of uncertainty into the political dialogue. He would cut taxes and test his supply-side theory of economics.

With uncertainty, a great deal of economic activity was shifted to the future. And when the Economic Recovery Tax Act of 1981 was enacted by Congress, the new lower tax rates did not become fully effective until 1984. Furthermore, Congress fussed around with the 1981 measure and then enacted the Tax Equity and Fiscal Responsibility Act in late 1982. Thus, fiscal policy contributed to the economy's below-capacity output between the 1979 and 1981-82 recessions and worsened the severity of the latter. On page 16 of his book, Madrick adds this note: "Overall, discounted for inflation, the average weekly wages of so-called non-supervisory workers, about 80 percent of the workforce, fell by 15 percent from 1973 to 1993....By about 1987, slow economic growth had begun to put pressure on the salaries of better paid white collar workers as well...As a result of these factors, the average real income of families was only a few percentage points higher in 1993 than in 1973, and that largely because so many more spouses were working." The net result of these factors was that, as incomes stopped growing, people saved less and borrowed more. And, as tax revenues declined or grew more slowly, government borrowed more to meet the heavy demands Reagan made to support huge defense expenditures.The government deficit exploded and never really stopped.

The need for capital in the United States after 1992 drove interest rates to higher levels to attract foreign capital. The inflow of this capital showed up statistically as a very large trade deficit in the United States. The foreign demand for investment assets in the United States raised the international demand for dollars. The foreign demand for investment assets in the United States increased the dollar's value to unprecedented levels. On a relatively small scale, publishers in Europe acquired Doubleday Publishing Co. Harper & Row, later converting its corporate name to HarperCollins, was acquired by a United Kingdom publisher. Japanese companies acquired entertainment conglomerates in Los Angeles, Rockefeller Center in New York City, and other American assets. As economic growth slowed in the United States, employers began reducing their workforces in the 1980s, instead of making capital expenditures to lower costs and remain competitive. In the thirteen months ending in January, 1996 layoffs nationally reached about 602,000 employees. Worst hit were the employees of telecommunications and computer companies; they announced cuts of 42,400 and 12,000 jobs respectively.

American business actually reduced capital investment by significant amounts in the face of rising foreign competition and declining returns. The result was fewer jobs and lower wages which slowed economic growth even more by reducing the demand for goods. The only exception to this litany of business shortsightedness was the technology sector. International Business Machines, Microsoft, Intel and the entire sector reported increasing earnings and even market penetration in some cases.

America OnLine is an important presence in the world of communications with over five million subscribers. In mid-March, 1996 America Online agreed with Microsoft Corporation to join forces and expand the market for Internet access. A.T. & T. is expected to use its phone lines to handle the rapidly growing number of AOL subscribers seeking Internet access. By the end of 1996, AOL is expected to more than double its subscribers. The recent passage of a new telecom bill by Congress will probably cause a healthy competition among the various television, cable, and telephone companies, such as American Telephone & Telegraph (AT&T) and the Baby Bells, TCI, Viacom and other cable television, and the four television networks. There has also been a scramble to get on line with the Internet. In early 1996, a dispute erupted; how many subscribers used Internet? Regardless of who is right, most of those who did surveys agree it has over 12 million subscribers. Technology keeps getting better with very high speed modems, ISDN, ATM and fiber optic lines. No industry can remain neutral; it must remain competitive. Printing of books has improved with computer-to-plate (CTP) printing. This technology promises great gains in productivity, lower costs from reduced human labor and materials, and more flexibility in the size of a first printing. Eastman Kodak announced an infrared thermal printing plate in early 1996. It will print any number of copies from a few hundred to a million. Resolution of type remains at 2500 dots per inch. Flexibility has been at the core of production technology.

Through new electronics including robots, and the adoption of commonsense innovations on the plant floor, economies of scale became less important. So-called flexible production could now allow companies to operate more efficiently.

They Only Look Dead: Why Progressives Will Dominate the Next Political Era is a new book by E.J Dionne Jr. In this carefully organized book, Dionne compared the likely developments of the next decade to the economic opportunitiess between 1870 and 1900 which led to the first Progressive Era, then Theodore and Franklin Roosevelt. They understood what voters wanted. George Bush, he wrote, made the fatal mistake of underestimating the level of economic anxiety during the 1992 presidential campaign. Clinton may have made the same miscalculation in 1994.

The pre-Labor Day speech of Labor Secretary Robert Reich eerily predicted the revolt of the Anxious Class. "In an astonishingly short time, he said, "the old middle class has splintered. The erosion of a sense of shared prospects poses what might be our nation's most critical challenge of the post-Cold War era." Thus, voters in 1994 -- nationally only 39 percent bothered to vote -- were as worried at least as much by falling incomes and lost benefits as they were about not working at all. The period between November, 1994 and November, 1996 may show that Clinton has learned this lesson and will address it in ways the anxious class or middle will understand. Howver, Clinton has other problems.

At the end of World War II, Western Europe was economically exhausted and suffered from shattered morale and war damage. The Soviet Union, however, had emerged from the war with its armed forces intact and dominating Eastern European nations like Poland, Hungary, Czechoslovakia and a divided Germany. The Brussels Treaty with only the United Kingdom, France, amd the Low Countries was simply not enough to prevent a Russian attack through Germany. In 1948, these countries negotiated with the United States and other countries to form the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). Created in 1949, NATO's member states united in collective self-defense. Its members included the United States, Canada, Denmark, France, Great Britain, Greece, Iceland, Italy, West Germany, Luxembourg, the Netherlands, Portigal, Spain, and Turkey.





All contents © 1996 William M. Brinton
All photographs © Archive Photos, New York
All film © Archive Film, New York